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NATO...Are Its Final Days Just Ahead
Bad News for
NATO and the UN–The audit of war
From The Economist print edition
An inquiry criticizes international peacekeepers and the UN
THE rampaging of thousands of ethnic Albanians through Kosovo last March
was the worst violence since NATO took charge of the province in 1999.
One might have expected 18,000 NATO peacekeepers, plus 3,500 UN
policemen, to be able to stop it. Yet three days of ethnic cleansing
ensued, mostly around Mitrovica and Caglavica, leaving 19 Serbs and
ethnic Albanians dead, 900 wounded, 4,000 non-Albanians displaced and
hundreds of Serb churches and homes torched.
The peacekeepers and policemen had five years' experience of
ethnic-Albanian and Serb violence in Kosovo, and were equipped with
everything from helicopter gunships to riot-sticks. They faced mobs
armed with stones, grenades, petrol bombs and Kalashnikovs. Even so,
many peacekeepers, notably the French, Germans and Italians, proved
woefully incompetent. (The American, Norwegian and Irish troops all
excelled.) Human Rights Watch, an international pressure-group,
concluded in July that NATO's mission, known as K-FOR, had failed to
protect ethnic minorities, too often turning a blind eye to Serb homes
being attacked and to UN police officers calling for help.
| NATO and the UN are on the
defensive. A more recent report for the UN, prepared by the
Norwegian ambassador to NATO, concludes that, if the
final-status talks do begin, the UN should aim to end its
mission and hand over to others (perhaps the European Union) by
the end of next year. |
An internal report by the UN in New York on the performance of its
Kosovo mission (UNMIK), seen by The Economist, details its failings in
similar terms. It was based on interviews with senior UN and NATO staff
in Kosovo, and written in May. The report says many feared that UNMIK
and K-FOR would collapse if the riots had gone on for another day or
two; the mission was already on the point of overstaying its welcome.
UNMIK people were seen as aloof strangers in the society they governed.
Since then, improvements have been made, but the problem remains.
In March UNMIK was led by Harri Holkeri, a tired Finn, who has now been
replaced by a Dane, Soren Jessen-Petersen. K-FOR's top man is an
experienced French general, Yves de Kermabon, who replaced the
lacklustre German who lost control in March. The two new men have little
time to lose. Kosovo is entering a period of maximum risk, said France's
defence minister, Michèle Alliot-Marie, last week. Elections are due in
October. Next year should see the start of “final-status” talks, which
could lead to Kosovo's emergence from the limbo it has been in since the
UN decreed in 1999 that it should remain part of Yugoslavia (now Serbia
and Montenegro). Albanian extremists hint at more violence if they are
denied independence.
NATO and the UN are on the defensive. A more recent report for the UN,
prepared by the Norwegian ambassador to NATO, concludes that, if the
final-status talks do begin, the UN should aim to end its mission and
hand over to others (perhaps the European Union) by the end of next
year. The story of international peacekeepers' successes and failures in
Kosovo has often been the story of confronting or being manipulated by
ethnic-Albanian extremists. Right now the ethnic-Albanian hot-heads seem
to have the upper hand.
|