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NATO...Are Its Final Days Just Ahead
Changing NATO
By Jela De Franceschi
During the Cold War, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization was Europe's
first line of defense against an attack by the Soviet Union. Since the
fall of the Berlin Wall, the alliance has expanded from 12 to 26 members
and is now transforming itself in order to respond to global threats.
| Americans are the
mercenaries, the Europeans are the social workers and we are
never going to agree on how to run it. And politically, NATO
will cease to exist. |
NATO was formed in 1949 as a bulwark against Soviet expansion into
Western Europe. Until the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, European
security was at the core of both American foreign policy and the
transatlantic relationship. The establishment of NATO, say observers,
helped guarantee peace and democracy in Western Europe and positioned
the United States as the guarantor of global security.
NATO's Expansion
In the first decade following the demise of the Soviet Union, NATO
remained focused on Europe's security. However, the emphasis changed
from collective defense to the economic and political reintegration of
once communist Eastern Europe. The alliance began its enlargement by
reaching out to the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland.
An exception of the successful process of European integration was the
violent break-up of Yugoslavia. In response, NATO eventually took up a
brief military action in Bosnia in 1995 and a ten-week air campaign in
Kosovo four years after.
Robert Hunter, Senior Advisor of the RAND Corporation in Washington and
former US Ambassador to NATO under President Clinton, says the
alliance's involvement in the Balkans was a major turning point in
NATO's history.
He says, "I remember back in 1995 when we were trying to get NATO
involved in Bosnia. For some, it was a far away country of which we knew
nothing, to quote [former British Prime Minister] Neville Chamberlain.
When the first three [East European] countries were taken into NATO [the
Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland], some said: Whom are these people
coming in? Of course, Poland is now one of the mainstays of NATO and
people ask why it was not in the alliance before. The miracle is that
you took an institution that was designed for one purpose -- to contain
the Soviet Union -- but the institution found new roles and we were able
to transform NATO into an institution that would do more things. So same
building, same patterns of behavior in terms of cooperation, but a whole
new agenda."
But Mr. Hunter cautions that the 26-nation alliance, which includes
eight former Soviet bloc states, has yet to bring its agenda of
enlargement and integration to a close. At the same time, he adds, NATO
has embarked on its 21st century agenda, which focuses on the war
against terrorism, weapons of mass destruction and the Middle East.
NATO's Focus
At the 2002 NATO summit in Prague, the Allies launched a modernization
process designed to ensure that NATO can effectively deal with 21st
century threats. This process was further strengthened at the summit in
Istanbul, last year.
Bruce Jackson, a long-time proponent of NATO expansion and founding
member of the American Enterprise Institute's New Atlantic Initiative
here in Washington, says in the face of new threats NATO is changing
from a defense alliance into a rapid response expeditionary force, one
that regularly sends troops beyond its member-nations' borders. This
started, he adds, after NATO's intervention in Kosovo.
According to Mr. Jackson, "At that point, both the Europeans and
Americans recognized that they had to look outside of Europe for these
threats. It is a geographical adjustment. In the East are Ukraine and
Georgia, where I think we will respond with membership. And there is
broad agreement in NATO that the greater Middle East, which is
everything from Morocco to Afghanistan and Pakistan, is part of an area
that is adjacent to Europe and that they have security interests,
humanitarian interests, and a range of interests that affects security."
Mr. Jackson notes that NATO's new operations include what he calls hard
missions, such as bringing stability to Afghanistan, protecting against
terrorism in the Mediterranean and helping the African Union bring peace
to the Darfur region of Sudan. Some of NATO's soft operations range, he
says, from training Iraqi security forces to providing humanitarian
relief to earthquake-stricken Pakistan.
"If we handle these small missions well, the monitoring and
peacekeeping, we will not have a major war and that is NATO's
responsibility," says Mr. Jackson. "So by handling brush fires -- the
protection of civilians, stabilization operations, if it does those
things well -- NATO will spend the next 50 years without having to fight
a major war, which, of course, is the purpose of an effective democratic
military."
Analyst Bruce Jackson says that at the center of the alliance's
transformation is the NATO Response Force, or NRF, a technologically
advanced corps made up of elite land, sea and air units that can perform
missions worldwide. These include evacuations, disaster management and
counter-terrorism. Currently, the NRF numbers about 17,000. By October
of next year, NATO is expected to be able to deploy on short notice as
many as 21,000 NRF members for extended operations.
But as most observers point out, burden-sharing within NATO is far from
equal. The United States still provides the lion's share of the
organization's resources and wields the most influence. And there
continue to be significant differences of opinions over how to
prioritize and handle new global challenges.
John Hulsman of The Heritage Foundation contends that burden and
risk-sharing is essential if the alliance is to last. He adds that
Washington expects Europe to support and supplement American power
through NATO as it did during the Cold War.
Mr. Hulsman says, "We are not going to remake the European militaries;
they are never going to spend enough money. We accept that, but they
can't free-ride off the American taxpayer indefinitely. And in order to
share risk, they must do some of these high-end, high-risk missions.
Otherwise the Americans are the mercenaries, the Europeans are the
social workers and we are never going to agree on how to run it. And
politically, NATO will cease to exist. What NATO is evolving into is a
toolbox for the coalitions of the willing. We are never going to get
total agreement in Europe. But we will get five or six allies if we
bother to engage them."
Still, defenders of NATO maintain that the United States should pursue
its traditional strategy that views the transatlantic security
partnership not as an instrument, but as a foundation for a peaceful
world order -- just as it has been for nearly 60 years.
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