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Europe’s Refugee Crisis Now Destroying Sweden
Liberty Beacon

In 2015, at the height of the refugee crisis, Sweden took in more migrants per capita than any other European country.

Then on April 7 this year, a terrorist attack, in which an Uzbek man, who was a rejected asylum seeker drove a stolen beer truck into a crowd of shoppers. He ended up killing four people and wounding 15 others. Sweden quickly changed its refugee policy in the face of mounting social problems from within.

Armstrong Economics has had sight of a leaked Swedish report that concludes the Refugee Crisis is now tearing Europe apart. The report has revealed that the number of lawless areas in Sweden alone has now reached 61, rising from 55 in just one year.

The article entitled “Sweden on the brink of legal crisis” says

“Sweden’s National Police Commissioner, Dan Eliasson, came out and pleaded on national television for assistance: “He warned that Swedish police forces can no longer uphold the law. The refugees are so disrespectful that if the free money is cut off, Sweden can quickly find itself in the midst of total chaos. The refugees will turn violent and seek whatever they can from the other regions. When the police come out and ask for help, you know something is seriously wrong.“
Just two months ago Magnus Ranstorp, the head of terrorism research at the Swedish Defense University, said that roughly 12,000 rejected asylum seekers have gone underground. Ranstorp explains what the backlash of refusing refugees asylum looks like and what the implications for its own laws looks like –

“Because you have a lot of people who come in who will not be allowed to stay, and that in itself creates a pool of people who will try to elude themselves from the authorities. They become a shadow population with no rights. And that fuels extremism in all different directions.
There are about 150 known Syrians who have gone back to Syria and fight and then returned to Sweden. Ranstorp says

“Extremists meet little resistance in Sweden. “It’s not that security services and police are not doing their work. The reason is our counterterrorism laws are difficult to apply. You actually have to prove a violent crime was committed or about to be committed [to be convicted of a crime]. It’s not enough that you joined ISIS.”

Later, in June 2016, Sweden toughened the rules for migrants seeking asylum, limiting who can receive permanent residency, and making it more difficult for parents to reunite with their children. Prior to that Sweden introduced border checks with its neighbours for the first time in 20 years, requiring police to monitor trains and ferries and turn back those who don’t have valid travel documents. Under the previous system, asylum seekers could enter the country unobstructed, regardless of whether they had travel documents, like a passport.

In February this year the BBC reported that Swedish police had launched an investigation after a riot erupted in a predominantly immigrant suburb of the capital, Stockholm. Rioters, some of them wearing masks, threw rocks, set vehicles on fire and looted shops. One officer fired at rioters who threw rocks at police. The unrest in the Rinkeby suburb came after police tried to arrest a suspect on drugs charges.

Things are not much better in many other parts of Europe either. Further south, the Independent reports that

“Italy threatens to close ports to humanitarian refugee rescue ships as it reaches ‘saturation point.”

The move comes amid Italian anger at the lack of help from Europe as it hosts almost 200,000 asylum seekers.

In France Emmanuel Macron’s refugee friendly speeches were one thing, reality is something completely different where the crisis is intensifying. Gérard Collomb, Macron’s interior minister, authorised the transfer of three extra police squadrons to the Calais region. In an interview on June 10th with the Le Parisien newspaper, Collomb said

“Our priority is that Calais and Dunkirk do not remain places of fixation and that ‘Jungles’ do not reconstitute.”
OpenDemocracy describes the squalid, filthy, miserable conditions of refugee camps in Greece, whilst Mediterranean countries including Spain sees record numbers of refugees arrive. The UN Migration MigrantspouringinAgency said 8,863 migrants were rescued trying to reach their coast from Libya between June 24 and 27, another report sees over 10,000 arriving in just three days in the last week of June.

Towards Eastern Europe, some 13,000 migrants are still stranded in Bulgaria, the European Union’s poorest country. In an attempt to prevent illegal crossings, the country built a fence on its border with Turkey and reinforced its border controls amid the backdrop of migrant rioters clashing with police. Hungary and Poland have refused to take any refugees amid a political crisis where the highest EU courts is the battle ground against the quota demands of Brussels.

Findings from the British Social Attitudes (BSA) survey published last week show Brexit was the result of widespread concern over the numbers of people coming to the UK. The refugee crisis and migrants from Europe ended up causing the biggest upset in modern British history and threatens the existence of the EU project.

To defend itself, the EU is now spending tens of millions in an attempt to stop migrants and refugees leaving Libya. The country’s ongoing civil war, started by Britain, France and NATO has left Africa’s wealthiest nation in ruins. Now, daily allegations of torture, rape and killings earn it the moniker of “hell on Earth” among migrants.

Research by the US-based Refugees International (RI) group warned that the EU’s push to prevent boats leaving the Libyan coast – now the main departure point towards Europe – could fuel horrific abuses.

In the end, the dichotomy is here. Europe is facing a serious slow down in birth rates so it needs migration to boost working age populations to drive growth. Migrants arriving in such circumstances are on balance either not educated enough or can’t speak the various languages of the EU, rendering 83 percent unemployable for at least 5 to 10 years according to the latest statistics from Germany, the country with the largest migrant/refugee intake over the last few years.

Herbert Bruecker of the IAB Institute for Employment Research said experience showed around 50 percent of migrants tended to have found employment after living in Germany for five years, at least 60 percent were in work after 10 years and 70 percent after 15 years.

All this is a huge strain on the economy of countries accepting refugees whilst having austerity forced upon them by unelected bureaucrats of the EU. It is hardly surprising that public sentiment to mass immigration into Europe is negative, politically charged and leading to civil unrest.

The Observer view on Europe’s shameful response to the growing refugee crisis
The Guardian

One in 40. This is the dreadful death rate facing refugees attempting the perilous crossing from Libya to Italy in overloaded rubber dinghies. It has trebled since late 2015, when European search and rescue efforts in the central Mediterranean were much more concerted and coordinated. It’s the shameful product of Europe’s pitiful response to the growing refugee crisis.

Angela Merkel declared: “Wir schaffen das” – “we can do this” – when she flung open Germany’s doors to refugees from Syria, Afghanistan and Iraq for six months in 2015. But she failed to take German public opinion with her and her words quickly turned hollow. Other European nations, including Britain, chose to free-ride on Germany’s generosity rather than follow its example. Led by Germany, Europe’s approach to refugees in the last two years has evolved from Merkel’s misplaced optimism in “we can do this” to a shameful “out of sight, out of mind”.

All hopes of a united European response to the refugee crisis seem to have evaporated. There is still no network of commonly funded reception centres. National leaders have shunned the idea of equitable resettlement quotas for EU states. The cornerstone of the European approach remains the hopelessly outdated Dublin regulation, which insists refugees must be processed by the first EU country they set foot in and can be sent back there if they journey beyond it. And so the injustice of two of Europe’s poorer nations – Italy and Greece – continuing to struggle with large numbers of refugees remains.

Meanwhile, Europe, led by Merkel, has recalibrated its efforts towards preventing refugees from reaching Europe. This simply shifts the locus of the problem elsewhere, at a huge humanitarian cost.

The refugee crisis has never been a European crisis: a small fraction of the world’s refugees make it there. But in the last two years, as the number of refugees and migrants reaching Europe’s shores has fallen as a result of our change in approach, it has become even less so. Out of sight, out of mind.

There are two main routes that refugees take to Europe: the Aegean route, via Turkey, Greece and the Balkans, and the central Mediterranean crossing from Libya to Italy. The Aegean route is now almost completely closed: partly as a result of much stricter Balkan border controls and partly because of the EU-Turkey deal that saw Turkey accepting the return of all irregular migrants arriving in Greece in exchange for billions in financial aid and visa liberalisation for Turkish nationals.

This unsavoury deal has left tens of thousands of refugees living in legal limbo in Greece in intolerable conditions. UN aid is reaching only around 10% of the 2.5 million Syrian refugees living in Turkey. Jordan has now closed its borders because of security fears, leaving tens of thousands of internally displaced people in Syria with no humanitarian aid.

The situation in the central Mediterranean is even worse. The European response has shifted from an emphasis on the search-and-rescue efforts that resulted in a significant decline in drownings in late 2015 to working with the Libyan coastguard to try and stop the flow altogether. Well-meaning attempts to destroy the wooden boats used by smugglers have driven refugees to attempt the crossing on even more dangerous rubber dinghies. The Italian government, which is not getting adequate support from the EU, is accusing NGOs operating their own search-and-rescue boats close to Libyan waters of encouraging people-smuggling. But these are desperate people, who have survived treacherous journeys to Libya and endured weeks and months in Libyan detention camps where forced labour, rape and torture are rife. There is no evidence that halting search-and-rescue efforts will do anything except push the death toll up; indeed, European deterrence efforts so far have made the problem worse. UN agencies say there is evidence that the Libyan coastguard is co-operating with smugglers, selling boats it seizes on to other smugglers and returning migrants to appalling detention facilities.

This is what the European response has become: striking deals with quasi-dictatorial regimes such as Turkey and what’s left of the Libyan failed state, channelling cash to and boosting the credibility of regimes with terrible human rights records, all in the name of making the problem someone else’s. Any moral authority Europe might have claimed has leached away.

Britain has been a leading force for European retrenchment, pushing for unilateralism in the face of requests for more support from Greece and Italy. David Cameron agreed only to resettle a paltry 20,000 Syrian refugees over five years and then only in the face of sustained public and media pressure after the image of the body of three-year-old Alan Kurdi washed up on a Greek beach went viral in 2015. This is nothing compared to the millions of refugees in the low- to middle-income countries close to conflict zones, including Lebanon, Jordan, Uganda and Kenya. In Lebanon, which now has the highest per capita rate of refugees in the world, some schools are operating two half-day shifts to cope with the pressure. Uganda has one of the most progressive approaches in the world, including giving all refugees the right to seek employment. They put wealthy Europe to shame.

There are solutions that could improve this crisis, as argued by Alexander Betts and Paul Collier in their book, Refuge. More humanitarian aid should be channelled to those countries coping with the bulk of the world’s refugees. But assistance should go much further: it should include the leveraging of business investment and tariff-free trade deals that boost growth in exchange for allowing refugees to take jobs. Britain is already involved in pioneering these approaches in countries such as Jordan and Uganda. European countries must together develop a longer-term resettlement programme, providing safe and legal routes to Europe for refugees living in limbo.

But there is insufficient political leadership and will to deliver this. Europe’s failure to get to grips with this crisis is not only an immoral neglect of its international responsibilities as one of the world’s richest regions, but it runs counter to its self-interest. Without action, the pressure cooker in Africa and the Middle East will continue to build catastrophically. Out of sight, out of mind isn’t just a shameful way for Europe to conduct itself – it will jeopardise the security of its citizens for decades to come.

8 shocking facts about refugees from our new data tool
by Samantha Urban

More than 152 million people are in need of humanitarian assistance globally — and at least 64 million have been forced to flee their homes.

While humanitarian organizations race to provide lifesaving efforts, the funding levels are faltering. In fact, humanitarian appeals are on average barely 30% funded. Because of that, it’s more important than ever to be able to make the most effective and impactful use of resources. …But the data on humanitarian aid isn’t really fit for that purpose. For example, resources can’t be tracked to results in real-time. And where we have information, it could be dispersed across platforms and in different formats — and it doesn’t tell a compelling story about how commitments benefit real people.

That’s why the ONE Campaign has been working over the past year to understand the challenges around combining and presenting data on refugees and internally displaced people. While huge challenges remain, the result of our efforts is a new tool that aims to bring together data on these populations’ movements, needs, and funding levels. It’s all in one place for the first time in order to form a more complete picture of humanitarian need and support.

In the meantime, here are some staggering facts you’ll discover in the tool:

1. Globally there at least 152 million people in need of humanitarian aid. That’s larger than the population of Russia.

2. 115 million people lack basic health services, 94 million lack water and sanitation services, and 34 million lack access to education.

3. Addressing those needs will require at least $23.1 billion — but currently, humanitarian appeals are only 30.9% funded.

4. Of the 65+ million people that have been forcibly displaced from their homes, 60% of them are hosted in world’s most fragile states.

5. There are 18.8 million people in need of humanitarian assistance in Yemen. That’s nearly the population of the state of New York. (Yet the 2017 humanitarian appeal for Yemen is only 29% funded.)

6. The 36 most fragile countries around the world account for just 2.6% of global Gross Domestic Product (or GDP)… but host 71% of the world’s population of internally displaced people.

7. The United States accounts for some 23% of global GDP, but hosts just 1% of forcibly displaced people globally, and around 4% of all refugees and asylum-seekers. (Similarly, European Union member states account for around 24% of global GDP, but host only 5% of forcibly displaced people globally, and around 15% of all refugees and asylum-seekers.)

8. South Sudan, the world’s most fragile country, hosts 219 displaced people for every 1,000 inhabitants. By comparison, the UK, Canada, and Australia each only host 3 for every 1,000 of their inhabitants.
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